Christmas tree made out of beer bottles #tree
Biogenesis (62)_Co-Starring2
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Redux (44)_Co-Starring
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Duane Barry (18)_Co-Starring
The Red and the Black (41)_Co-Starring_Chapelle Jaffe as Syndicate Doctor Dr. Patou
Hop Baron is a Christchurch craft brewery in the rapidly growing New Zealand craft beer market. I was approached by the three partners to help clarify their initial branding into one that could grow with their business. I designed a range of packaging, ma…
Brücke it's a brand formed by a Schwarzbier and a Weissbier. Its name refers to Franz Ernst Brückmann, a german doctor who wrote a play in which the Brunswick Mumme was mentioned as a drink with miraculous effects. Thanks to this legend, the Mumme, a be…
Liberty_&_Co._Knox_Buckle
Designed by _Co Partnership, Australia.Andevine is a boutique wine brand designed by Sydney based agency _Co Partnership.Created for Australian Hunter Valley winemaker Andrew Leembruggen’s first ever release, as a signature wine it was important for the design to reflect Andrew’s two biggest influences, his Dutch ancestry and his Australian upbringing.We illustrated this story with the…
Legendary comic book artist Art Spiegelman has been on the move since May 2012 in a world-touring retrospective that began in Angoulême when he was awarded the Grand Prix for lifetime achievement in illustration – a title that's richly deserved. _Co-Mix: A Retrospective_ arrives at The Jewish Museum this November and to mark the event Drawn & Quarterly are publishing a beauty of a book that brings together a mind-bogglingly diverse range of work from each stage of Art's 60-year career.
Written information down to the delimiter below taken from the 1984 National Register Nomination for the GB historic district. (OCR from original - needs cleanup editing, organizational editing, and updating.) The Golden Belt Historic District, composed of the Golden Belt Manufacturing company plant, the scores of remaining houses built by the company; and a small commercial district, represents Durham's thriving industrial-based economy of the early twentieth century as well as the lifestyle of the enormous work force that kept the factories running. In their funding sources and the products they initially manufactured, all of Durham's early textile mills were associated with the local tobacco industry: the Golden Belt Manufacturing Company however, was the most intimately related to tobacco interests. Founded in 1887 by Julian S. Carr, it originated in his W.T..Blackwell & Co.. Bull Durham factory specifically for the manufacture of tobacco pouches. In 1901, Carr greatly expanded Golden Belt with a huge-factory of its own and a diversification of operations to include manufacture of the cloth used in the bag production. As the firm continued to grow, the company-built village traditional rural house types was almost doubled in size with the construction in the late 1910s of dozens·of bungalows. Altlhough Golden Belt continued to manufacture tobacco pouches into the 1980s; most of its production from the mid 20th century into the 1980s consisted of cigarette cartons and packaging labels. The medieval-appearing factory buildings of "slow burn" construction accented with numerous towers remains the visual and symbolic focus of the district, in which the majority of the residents were still employed by or retired from Golden Belt into the 1990s. As the most intact of Durham's mixed industrial-residential complexes created by Julian S. Carr, the district also stands as a vital monument to that pioneering industrialist's role in the growth of the textile industry and the city's related overall development. In 1886, with financial backing from Carr, inventor William H. Ke= began to ~rk on the problem of producing cloth bags suitable for use with the new mechanical "Srroking Tobacco Packer" then being developed by L.W. Lawrence, an employee of W.T. Blackwell & Co. Ke= went to Ilion, New York, evidently to gain access to skilled oochinists, and after a year of experirrentation he developed a bag oochine tha~ enabled one worker to produce in one day as 11\3.Dy bags as forty-~ seamstresses could. Based··on this invention, which could produce thousands of bags a day, Julian S. Carr, his wife, and Thorras B. Fuller incorporated the Golden Belt Manufacturing Company in 1887 with 3 capitalization of $50,000 for the J1BDufacture "of bags, sacks, shirts, clothing." Kerr was appointed 11\3.Dager of the new corrpany. The Golden Belt Historic District consists of 39.65 acres of factories, company- built housing, and a srrall corrrrercial area all developed during the first three decades of this century. The district is roughly rectangular in shape, with fairly even bor- ders except at the southeast comer where the boundary is uneven in order to exclude intrusions. The different land uses, terrain, and building types and styles that sur- round the district help to define its edges. Moving west beyond the border rrarked by the Norfolk &\~estern Belt Line, there are undeveloped tracts, public housing projects, and Durham's Central Business District. The last year of the nineteenth century was a busy one for Carr. No longer running W.T. Blackwell &Co., which had been acquired by Union Tobacco Co. and thereafter taken over by The American Tobacco Company in 1898, he turned his full attention to textiles. His earnings from the sale of 11.T. Blackwell.& Co. were augrrented in 1899 when the Dukes and their associates purchased controlling blocks of stock in his Durham Cotton Manufacturing Co. Carr now had the capital to expand his other TlBjor textile concerns, Golden Belt Manufacturing Company and Durham Hosiery Mills Corporation, the latter of which he had form2d in 1898. In 1899 he announced his plans for the companies' new factories and adjoining villages on the extensive tract just east of Durham's downtown thathen~Edgerront.ThispropertyatthejunctionoftheNorfolk&Westernwiththe Southern and Seabord Airline railroads was only a couple blocks east of his estate, from which he could conveniently monitor his investments. Construction of the new factories commenced in 1900.6 The Durham Hosiery Mills' No. One Mill and its village occupied the very hilly te=ain south of E. Main St. (then narred Edgerront Ave.) while the Golden Belt Manufacturing Company was situated on the more gently rolling land to the north. carr's expansion of Golden Belt included not only the increased production of tobacco pouches but a diversification of operations as well to include TlBnufacture of the cloth used for the bags. Consequently, Golden Belt was the larger of the two new plants, consisting of a tvxr to three-story brick mill in which cloth and thread was TlBnUfactured, a siTBller two- to three-story brick bag factory, and a one-story brick warehouse. A one-and-one-half-story brick house with a long wraparound porch (no longer standing) served as the Golden Belt office. It was situated in the area between the bag factory and E. Main St., that initially was landscaped as a park with trees, flo;yers, and winding driveways. The Golden Belt Historic District resembles the scores of mill villages built across North Carolina during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the constituent elements of factory, houses, church, and stores that shaped its character. The village epitomizes the recorrrrendations espcused in a popular late nineteenth-century journal, the Manufacturer's Record: "Good dwellings at low rents is one of the essential features of a prosperous rranufacturing town, as the better class of rrechanics will not put up with inferior accommodations nor with exorbitant rents . . • • Contented laborers, well housed and well fed, are essential to the prosperity of any industrial enterprise. Cheap homes -but good homes will attract good laborers who can affo£~ to and will work for much lC>Ner pay than where houses are scarce and rents high." That practical advice of 1888 had been codified by 1900 in Daniel A. Torrpkins' Cotton Mill: Commercial Features. In his chapters on labor and operatives' housing, Tompkins presented model house plans and specifications and prescribed large lots suitable for the horre gardening that he encouraged "as being r2'nducive to general =ntentrrent among the operatives • . . essentially a rural people." The Golden Belt Historic District reflects the contention put forth by Dr. Brent Glass in his 1978 article, "Southern Mill Hills: Design in a 'PuOlic' Place," that the designers of the "model mill villages" of the early twentieth century purposely retained the character of the nineteenth-century mill hills. Set in urban environments due to the technological advances of steam pcwer and railroad systems, the basic designs of early twentieth-century mill villages were much the same as those of the nineteenth-century rural mill complexes with their villages sited on the hill rising from the factory at the edge of a pcwer-providing river. Like its rural predecessors, the Golden Belt Historic District was both a "working place and a walking place," its scale "such that all goods and services an~3all social interaction could be reached with public or private transport.chon." Because the mill employed men, women and children, the village contains single-family houses, rather than apartments or boarding houses, with open spaces for gardens. A sense of comnunity was engendered by closeness to neighbors and social functions. Thus, the design of the newer mill villages remained attractive to farm families who wanted to live and work together as always and thereby drew a constant supply of inexpensive labor. By providing all necessities and amenties, the mill operators created a strictly f~lated transition from the farm that encouraged optimum productivity from their workers. When the Golden Belt Manufacturing Company opened its new plant in 1901, all of its laborers lived in housing built by Golden Belt east of the mill. Covering almost twenty acres, the village was laid out in a grid, with all of the houses on the streets running east-west, initially named sirrply avenues "A" through "D" (now Morning Glory Ave., Worth St., Franklin St., and Wall St., respectively). Like the other North Carolina mill villages of the day, all of the houses were basic, traditional types that had been found across the state's landscape for much of the previous centw:;y -- one-room deep and one or two stories tall, in sirrple rectangular or "T" shapes with one-story rear ells. (The one- story lr-shaped houses, which differ from the other early houses in their German siding, appear to have been built later in the decade.) Although none of the designs was taken directly from Tompkins' l(sok, the one-story T-shaped houses resemble TO!l{>kins' "Three-room Gable House, Cost $325. The only builder identified wiJ:l5 the early houses in the district is Andrew C. Mit9hell, a Burlington carpenter. According to a contract dated April 20, 1900, he built forty of the houses -- twelve three-room houses at $265 each, sixteen four-room houses at $345 each, and twely7 five-room houses at $435 each. He also constructed fifty privies at four dollars each. More than fifty houses were constructed in the first phase of the district's development and it is likely that Mitchell built houses in addition to those mentioned in £~s contract, such as the one-story, five-room houses with hipped roofs close to the mill. According to local tradition, Golden Belt originally charged monthly rent of twenty-five cents per room. 1~lthough every house had its own privy, there was only one well for every tyJo houses. VDst of the information about the early residents of the Golden Belt Historic District has been gleaned from city directories. Although the directories list most of the residents as mill hands, many are identified by more specific jobs such as weaver, machinist, and loom fixer. Other positions held by mill operatives included those of carpenter and special policeman. (The latter position attests to the self-contained nature of the mill village, dependent upon its a.vn resources for public services.) The larger, one-story hip--roofed houses with five rooms close to the mill (three of which were destroyed prior to 1937 for factory expansion) were occupied by overseers, foremen, and the more highly skilled artisans such as engineers and electricians. The other five-r=.-n houses in the district -- the two-story houses on avenues B and C (l'k>rth and Franklin streets) -- were the homes of mill hands and other semi-skilled laborers. It is likely, as was the-case in other mill willages built by Julian S, Carr (for example, Carrboro), that assignments to the larger two-story houses not adjacent to the mill were made on the basis of family size and seniority. Throughout the district, tum-over of occupants in the dwellings was frequent. Of the fifteen houses randomly selected for research in city directories, only one, at 1011 Worth St., was occupied by the same person, mill hand 1q.c. Winston, in 1919 (the first year the directories list residents by street address) and 1925. All of the company administrators lived in nearby fashionable neighborhoods. The 500 and 600 blocks of Holloway St., conveniently located a few blocks away to the northwest, were popular among mill officials including Paul CreviS, superintendent of the bag department, and George Hundley, who became president'of Golden Belt in the early 1920s. The district's C()!l[lercial area developed along E. Main St., the "dividing line" betwe=Jl the Golden Belt and Durham Hosiery Mills villages. From its beginning in 1901, this area served both communities. There was only one establishment that appears to have been the company store for both mills -- the Edgemont Mercantile Co.,, located on the south side of E. Main St. in the large triangle of lawn in front of the Durham Hosiery Mill, just outside the Golden Belt Historic District. (The two-story brick building is no longer standing.) The 1903 Durham city directory list Thomas B. Fuller, Golden Belt 2gresident, as president of Edgemont Mercantile and Julian s. Carr as its vice president. The rest of the villages' C()!l[lercial area emerged on the north side of E. Main St., in -:.. the long wedge-shaped block at the south-edge of the historic district. An early plat for Edgemont reveals that Carr owned th~l block, but there is no indication that he owned any of the businesses established here; it has not been determined if he played a role in developing the comnercial properties or merely sold the block lot by lot to investors. In 1902, there were two frame commercial buildings on the north side of E. Main St. -- a two- story structure containing a grocery and a drug store and a one-story building with two store fronts. Another two-and-one-half-story frame grocery was situated on the north side of the block fronting Morning Glory Ave., outside of the district. At the east end of the blcckonE.MainSt.(ElmSt.hadnotyetbeencutbe~E.MainSt.andMorningGlory Ave.), also outside of th~2district, the brick Edgerront Graded School (no longer standing) cccupied a sizable tract. It had been erected by the Durham public sch90l system in 1901. Ill111Eiliately west of the school, Edgemont Baptist Church, organized by thirty-six23 members of Durham's First Baptist Church, built a small one-story frame church in 1902. The business district grew steadily for three decades. By 1907, six additional frame shops had been built, including a fruit stote and confectionary at the west end of E. Main St. and a reM of buildings on the corner of E. Main and Elm containing barber, jewelry and dress shops. The W.R. Dupree Mantel Factory and the Star Manufacturing Co., which made mattresses, were located on Morning Glory Ave., but by the mid-l910s they had been replaced with houses and the Free Will Baptist Church. The most significant development of the business district occurred during the 1920s when all of ~4 frame store buildings were replaced with handsome one- and two-story brick structures. According to the 1930 Durham city directory, the 900 block of E. Main St. contained more than twenty shops, among them an A & P grocery, a meat market, a drug store, a dress shop, a furniture store, a cleaner's, two billiard parlors, a barber shop, and two restaurants. Also during the 1920s, the congregation of Edgemont Baptist Church became so large that it replaced its original small frame church with the present, more spacious brick Neoclassical Revival style building. Expansion of the business district paralleled the grCMth of the Golden Belt Manufac- turing Company, which in turn reflected the success of Durham's tobacco industry. When The American Tobbacco Company trust was broken up in 1911, Golden Belt entered into virtually the same sort of exclusive association with the reorganized American Tobacco Company that had marked the textile firm's origins as an associate firm of W. T. Blackwell & _Co. American's cigarette prcduction soared with the success of its Lucky Strike brand, and in 1924 Golden Belt began to manufacture the paper starrps and packages for American's cigarette containers. Although the company never completely abandoned its manufacture of cloth bags and pouches, by the mid 1930s most of the bag factory was used for the printing of paper labels and packaging. Golden Belt gradually used more and more of the cotton mill for the manufalden Belt Man~acturing Comp.ani ~-~ .ftlE'> east-west streets in a grid c;>f 11-1/2 blocks. (originally, the industrial area formed a neat, allfOst rectangular parcel ITBYked bY Belt St. on the east so that there were 12-1/2 residential blocks (see accompanying rrap). Sometime after 1955, the regularity of the grid was interrupted when the Golden Belt Manufacturing Company relfOved the houses in the large block on the east side of Belt St. north of Franklin St. At least some of the houses in that block were lfOVed, including the one n= at 500 Belt. St.) All of the ffilll houses are posltloned on fairly rrodest lots with um- form setbacks and side yards that· reflect tlieir development· by a 'single owner. The houses have small front yards cind rear yards that can a=O!llTOdate vegetable gardens. Along the hilly streets, retaining walls delineate rrany of; the front yards. Land- scaping is fairly sparse, usually consisting of an o=asiorJal shrub against the house and a fruit tree or hardwood near the property line. None of the houses has a detached garage (a few have attached carports), but all have gravel driveways. l~en the streets w&e widened- and repaveekin 'the ~910s, =bs-, gutters;c:and driveway ramps were added. The district's only sidewalks are in the third area, a srrall neighborhood cOflTrer- cial district in the long, 900 block of E. Main.St. that marks the district's south edge;- .L-ike:t:he.rest Elf---tile-dis!o:dct,--·this wedge-sbiJ,ped block was. owned by Julian s. Carr at the turn of the century; but·unlike the rest of the area it apparently was net developed by his Golden Belt Manufacturing Company. Most of the frame stores and houses that dotted this block prior to 1910 have been replaced with one- and two-story commercial buildings and a church, all brick, constructed be~~en 1910 and 1930. The architecural focus of the historic district is the Golden Belt ManufacJ;uring Company plant with its Romanesque Revival style buildings dating from the first years of this century. Ta;.~ers, ornamental brickwork, and ra.vs of closely spaced arched windows characterize these long two- to three-story rectangular buildings constructed as a bag factory and a cotton mill. Their main facades, fronting the railroad tracks, feature Doric pilasters flanking round arched windows in the top stories and cornices of corbelled pendants and simple corbel bands above. The t