A historical overview of the most recent genocide in the world. A study elaborated through world’s educational systems, the bloodiest war period of Bosnian ’92-95′ War and story that will never be forgotten. The story of Srebrenica Genocide.
The Srebrenica Massacre or Genocide was the biggest atrocity in the 1990s Bosnian Wars. Here's what you need to know about visiting.
A historical overview of the most recent genocide in the world. A study elaborated through world’s educational systems, the bloodiest war period of Bosnian ’92-95′ War and story that will never be forgotten. The story of Srebrenica Genocide.
The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has collected a vast amount of factual evidence on the horrific events that took place in July 1995 in Srebrenica and has persecuted many of those who were responsible for genocide and crimes against humanity. Nevertheless, 25 years later, the denial of the Srebrenica genocide continues and is even on the rise.
UN approves resolution to commemorate the 1995 Srebrenica genocide annually, emphasizing remembrance and reconciliation despite Serb opposition.
A historical overview of the most recent genocide in the world. A study elaborated through world’s educational systems, the bloodiest war period of Bosnian ’92-95′ War and story that will never be forgotten. The story of Srebrenica Genocide.
Srebrenica - A day trip to Srebrenica from Sarajevo. The Srebrenica Genocide is where the largest massacre in Europe happened since World War II.
Read about the genocide whose effects are still being felt, as bodies from 20 years ago are still being buried today.
UAC – Law and Science graduate and believer in peace “For the dead and the living, we must bear witness” -Elie Wiesel – Writer, activist & Holocaust survivor IT IS GENERALLY AGREED …
Human rights activist Kiki demands justice for the injustices in Srebrenica and Gaza. This content covers Kiki's sensitivity and struggle.
Forgetting Srebrenica genocide risks happening again, says Bosniak leader Sefik Dzaferovic - Anadolu Ajansı
Beautiful Srebrenica flower brooch symbol of genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The fall of the United Nations \"safe area\" of Srebrenica in July 1995 to Bosnian Serb and Serbian forces stands out as the international community's most egregious failure to intervene during the Bosnian war. It led to genocide, forced displacement, and a legacy of loss. But wartime inaction has since spurred numerous postwar attempts to address the atrocities' effects on Bosnian society and its diaspora. Srebrenica in the Aftermath of Genocide reveals how interactions between local, national, and international interventions - from refugee return and resettlement to commemorations, war crimes trials, immigration proceedings, and election reform - have led to subtle, positive effects of social repair, despite persistent attempts at denial. Using an interdisciplinary approach, diverse research methods, and more than a decade of fieldwork in five countries, Lara J. Nettelfield and Sarah E. Wagner trace the genocide's reverberations in Bosnia and abroad. The findings of this study have implications for research on post-conflict societies around the world.
The key ingredient needed to win the Genocide lawsuit against Serbia that Bosnia filed at the International Court of Justice was the minutes of the Supreme Defense Council of Serbia. These minutes were held and sealed by the ICTY. Now, after the judgment has been rendered finding Serbia only guilty of not preventing genocide (an absurd judgment made for the single purpose of not bankrupting Serbia financially). The unsealing of some of these minutes will benefit Bosnia if they launch an appeal of the original judgement. These documents prove beyond a shadow of a doubt about the nature of Serbia's direct involvement in the war in BosniaTHE HAGUE | 17.05.2011. Documents of the Supreme Defense Council show the VJ provided logistical support to the Serb armies in Bosnia and Krajina (2) BELGRADE’S CONTRIBUTION TO WAR IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Stenographic records of the FRY Supreme Defence Council Related news At the trial of Momcilo Perisic, the prosecution used the minutes from the Yugoslav Supreme Defense Council meetings to prove that the VJ provided not only personnel to the Serb armies in Bosnia and Krajina, but also ‘large quantities of arms, ammunition, materials and other logistical support necessary for the commission of crimes’ in Sarajevo, Srebrenica and Zagreb. The relevant minutes of the Supreme Defense Council meetings can be accessed here The minutes of the Supreme Defense Council meetings admitted into evidence at the trial of General Momcilo Perisic have recently been made public. The minutes of the 6th meeting of the Supreme Defense Council of 9 December 1992 show that the Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic argued, ‘we should figure out how we can help them regarding the most necessary things and what assets, technical equipment etc. they need’. The recipients of aid were clearly the Serb armies in Krajina and Bosnia that fought in the wars in which ‘Serbia didn’t participate’. Two months later, on 10 February 1993, General Zivota Panic, who was the Chief of the VJ General Staff at the time, reported to the Supreme Defense Council that the VJ ‘gave complete equipment to form one corps’ to the Serbian Army of Krajina (SVK). Panic also said that ‘there have been great demands for the infantry ammunition’, but the ‘biggest problem is with purchase of artillery ammunition and tank ammunition’. Apart from the Serbian president Milosevic and Chief of the VJ General Staff Panic, the Supreme Defense Council comprised Yugoslav president Dobrica Cosic and Montenegrin president Momir Bulatovic. In June 1993, Zoran Lilic replaced Cosic and General Perisic was appointed Chief of the General Staff in August 1993.According to the prosecution, Perisic continued to provide ‘large quantities of weapons, ammunition, materials and other logistical support necessary for the commission of crimes’. The prosecutor contended that the assistance was ‘substantial and significant’ and was given "irrespective of whether or not it was to be used in lawful combat operations or in the comission of crimes". At the 14th meeting of the Supreme Defense Council on 11 October 1993, Perisic said that the Bosnian Serbs and Serbs from Serbia were ‘single people’. Perisic confirmed it on the 17th meeting of the Supreme Defense Council, held in January 1994. Perisic said he needed 66 millions for medical support and explained that ‘with the funds that have been approved to us, we have been providing medical treatment to all the wounded from Republika Srpska and the Republic of Serbian Krajina’. The total amount the VJ required in early 1994 went up to $2,325,000,000; this included the ‘requirements of Republika Srpska and the Republic of Serbian Krajina’. At the same meeting, Perisic sought ‘funds for training and education’ of 4,100 soldiers from RS and RSK. According to the prosecution, the minutes of the 19th meeting, held on 16 March 1994, corroborate the allegation in the indictment that Perisic ‘personally proposed’ to set up an air defense system for the VRS which would be integrated into the FRY system. Perisic said: ‘Last time we discussed the possibility of giving them one of the KUB units used for the [anti-aircraft] protection. Since the whole commotion is over, if we are discreet and keep it a secret, we could transport one vehicle at a time. We would take all necessary measures of precaution so that no one finds out.’ Perisic insisted that the logistical support to the Bosnian and Krajina Serb armies should be kept secret at the 27th meeting of the Supreme Defense Council on 27 September 1994. Perisic suggested that the SVK should be given ‘four boats to establish their own inland navy fleet’. At the same meeting, Momir Bulatovic told the Supreme Defense Council that Ratko Mladic had requested ‘ammunition for 76mm mountain cannons and 76mm pack howitzers’. According to Bulatovic, Mladic ‘is still the most reasonable option and alternative in Republika Srpska’. The logistical support to the VRS and the SVK continued in 1995 during the time when Belgrade and Pale officially severed their ties and when the FRY leadership was displeased with the defeat of the Krajina Serb army in Western Slavonia. At the 37th meeting of the Supreme Defense Council on 13 June 1995, Perisic discussed the military and political situation in the region. Perisic asked permission to ‘as has been the case so far, […] offer certain help to the Republika Srpska and the Republic of Serbian Krajina, primarily in spare parts’. Perisic also advocated ‘creat[ing] conditions for a single army, here I refer primarily to the Republic of Serbian Krajina in particular because our influence in Republika Srpska is small’. On the eve of the VRS attack on Srebrenica, at the 38th meeting of the Supreme Defense Council on 27 June 1995, FRY president Zoran Lilic relayed various requests from Republika Srpska for assistance; they asked for equipment for the special police brigades, for the purchase of Motorola radio handsets and for copies of technical documentation needed to produce ammunition. According to FRY defense minister Pavle Bulatovic, Republika Srpska asked for 300 rifles and 3,000 shells. Since the relations with Republika Srpska were frozen at the time, Momir Bulatovic and Zoran Lilic reminded the Supreme Defense Council that ‘for these issues we have already made decisions and I think that there is no reason to change them’. The Supreme Defense Council met on 14 August 1995, immediately after Operation Storm and the fall of Krajina. Perisic’s deputy Blagoje Kovacevic proposed on behalf of the General Staff a reorganization of ‘the Army of the Serbian Krajina focusing on the preparations and engagement in guerilla war in the lost territories of the Republic of Serbian Krajina’. The purpose of this activity, Kovacevic said, was to inflict losses and to ‘giv[e] clear notice to the international community that this is Serbian land and that people from these areas do not accept the policy of accomplished fact’. Slobodan Milosevic opposed the idea, saying it was ‘idiotic’ to help the RSK after they had decided to leave Krajina, causing an exodus of the people ‘when they had all conditions provided for the defense’. ‘This was supposed to be the reason for Yugoslavia to rush to that area and defend those territories which they left running away as fast as they could?!’ Milosevic asked. At the 44th meeting of the Supreme Defense Council on 12 September 1995, the FRY president Zoran Lilic, disappointed with the collapse of the SVK, commented on Milan Martic’s request for Belgrade’s continued support to the Krajina Serb army: ‘According to their request, we should form a new Personnel Center, invest new means, new equipment’. This statement could be the final confirmation that the personnel, assets and equipment from Belgrade had on previous occasions found their way to the Serb armies in Bosnia and Krajina.
Srebrenica Memorial Day on the 11th of July is a day to remember the over 8,372 Bosnian Muslim who were murdered for their identity in Srebrenica as well as the tens of thousands of others murdered in Bosnia throughout the Bosnian Genocide in the 1990s.
The fall of the United Nations 'safe area' of Srebrenica in July 1995 to Bosnian Serb and Serbian forces stands out as the international community's most egregious failure to intervene during the Bosnian war. It led to genocide, forced displacement and a legacy of loss. But wartime inaction has since spurred numerous postwar attempts to address the atrocities' effects on Bosnian society and its diaspora. Srebrenica in the Aftermath of Genocide reveals how interactions between local, national and international interventions - from refugee return and resettlement to commemorations, war crimes trials, immigration proceedings and election reform - have led to subtle, positive effects of social repair, despite persistent attempts at denial. Using an interdisciplinary approach, diverse research methods, and more than a decade of fieldwork in five countries, Lara J. Nettelfield and Sarah E. Wagner trace the genocide's reverberations in Bosnia and abroad. The findings of this study have implications for research on post-conflict societies around the world.
Judgment means 78-year-old former Bosnian Serb military chief will spend the rest of his life in prison
Bosnian officials say there is still widespread denial of Europe's only acknowledged genocide since World War II.
Serbian Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic, who was attending a ceremony in Bosnia and Herzegovina to mark the 1995 massacre, was driven away by a crowd throwing rocks and bottles.
As the UN General Assembly prepares to vote on a resolution recognizing the genocide in Srebrenica in 1995 initiated by Germany and Rwanda (USA is co-sponsor), Serbia has launched a vigorous diplomatic campaign to block the initiative
Serbia Is Resisting a UN Resolution to Mark the Srebrenica Genocide - PassBlue
Queen Noor of Jordan (R) visits 'Memorial Room' prepared for the remembrance of the Srebrenica Genocide victims as he arrives at Potocari Memorial Center to attend the commemoration of 20th anniversary of Srebrenica genocide on July 11, 2015 in Srebrenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Britain's Princess Anne lays flowers paying respect to Srebrenica massacre victims during a burial ceremony at the Potocari Memorial Cemetery in Srebrenica on July 11, 2015. Bosnian Muslims marked the 20th anniversary of the 1995 Srebrenica massacre by burying 136 newly identified victims. Queen Noor of Jordan signs condolence book at Potocari memorial center prior to burial ceremony in Potocari Memorial Cemetery, on July 11, 2015. Queen Noor of Jordan visits the Potocari Memorial prior to the burial ceremony in Srebrenica on July 11, 2015. Bosnian Muslims marked the 20th anniversary of the 1995 Srebrenica massacre by burying 136 newly identified victims. Queen Noor of Jordan visits the Potocari Memorial prior to the burial ceremony, in Srebrenica on July 11, 2015. Britain's Princess Anne, attends a ceremony marking 20th anniversary of the Srebrenica massacre in memorial complex of Potocari, 150 kms northeast of Sarajevo, Saturday, July 11, 2015. Twenty years ago, on July 11, 1995, Serb troops overran the eastern Bosnian Muslim enclave of Srebrenica and executed some 8,000 Muslim men and boys, which International courts have labeled as an act of genocide, and newly identified victims of the genocide are still being re-interred in Srebrenica.
The former Bosnian Serb leader is found guilty of genocide for his role in the 1995 massacre, which saw 8,000 Muslim men and boys killed.
Russia vetoes a draft UN Security Council resolution describing the 1995 Srebrenica massacre of Muslim men and boys as "genocide".
Next year will be the 20th anniversary of the Srebrenica genocide. The British government is funding 750 young Britons to travel to Bosnia and Herzegovina to learn lessons from the Bosnian war and recognise the dangers of what can manifest when racism, religious-hatred and discrimination go unchallenged and ethnic divisions are exploited by political leaders...
