Photo by UNKNOWN photographer, ca.1899-1900.

Google Arts & Culture features content from over 2000 leading museums and archives who have partnered with the Google Cultural Institute to bring the world's treasures online.

Hello all, Today I will continue my article on Korean costume by talking about women's costume. Above you see two women spinning hemp in the traditional costume, called either Hanbok or Chosonbok. The two main visible pieces of the costume are the Jeogori, top, and Chima, skirt. Jeogori is also used to refer to the man's shirt, which is of a similar cut, but the woman's top is much shorter. The jeogori in this drawing is rather fancy, with contrasting collar, cuffs, underarms and goreum, which is the name of the ties which actually secure the garment. Notice that those worn by the women above are quite plain. There is a second set of ties on the inside securing the left side. The collar tends to have a facing which lies against the skin and may be easily detached for cleaning. . Here again are instructions on how to properly tie the goreum. While Korean peasants often wore white, the women in general were more open to other colors, especially for the chima. A great variety of undergarments were traditionally worn, depending on the occasion and the social class of the wearer. As in the west, the richer or higher ranked you were, the more underwear. Here are the five basic undergarments, Nae-ui, or Sok-got. Dari-sok-ot, a sort of breechcloth, then Sok-sok-ot, bloomers, followed by Baji, pants, in this image called Sok-baji, under-pants. The Jolitmal, breastband, which resembled the band found on the top of the chima followed, often with a jucksam, a top of light cloth. The jucksam is made of a lightweight or even gauzy material, and is closed with a button and loop. This has also developed into a summer jacket for use in hot weather, and a version is even worn by men in hot weather [but waist length]. These garments are generally made of ramie, hemp, or cotton. There are always exceptions. Korean women almost always wore baji, which were similar to those worn by men, tied with a sash at the waist and also tied around the ankle. Here is a pair of sa silk baji. In the past, women at times would omit the chima, as in this painting, and go out in pants. This woman seems to have found them practical for working. Here are some village people from a rice growing area performing a dance, or game, which was called paekjung. The womens' baji are quite visible. Here is a photo of a jolitmal, or breastband. This was, apparently, not always worn. Here is a painting from the Choson period of a woman doing her makeup. This was likely meant to be titillating, even though she is clearly a nursing mother. Here are a couple of photographs likely from the early 20th cent. It appears that they are wearing jucksam without jeogori or jolitmal. On the other hand, middle and upper class women often added more layers. Dan-sok-ot, or Sok-chima, were underskirts made much like the outer skirt, but in a contrasting color, often more than one. As the chima were wrap-around, this was practical. Mujigi were similar, but with tiered flounces. As was also true at times in the west, the desire was to create greater volume. Here are some women performing a dance and showing off contrasting underskirts. They are also letting the chima ties hang down and be visible. You can see this dance here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7Coj8bzq_Yg In historical paintings we can see very full skirts, always with pants underneath. Some of these are of Gisaeng, female entertainers, who predated and inspired the Japanese Geisha, with their customers. You can see that in the past, the skirts were often pulled up and secured with a sash. This is no longer commonly done. In modern times a new undergarment has developed, called simply sok-chima, or underskirt, which combines the jolitmal and the daesyum chima. This greatly resembles a modern full slip and is a tube, not a wrap-around. Here is a photo of a complete little girl's outfit, minus shoes. The outfit is completed with buhsun, Korean style socks, of woven cotton, and shoes. Here we see men's shoes on the left, and women's shoes on the right. The chima, or skirt, is usually wrap-around, and thus very flexible in size. It may be made in a great variety of colors and materials, and sometimes has two fields of cloth gathered into one 'waistband'. Here is an example of a modern chima. Contemporary chima may include shoulder straps to help support the garment. Here is an example of a two layer chima, with solid cloth underneath, and a gauzy overlayer. A very old method of embellishment used on cloth is Geum-bak-pan, gold leaf printing, which dates to at least the Yi dynasty. At that time it was a prerogative of Royalty only, but in the course of time has come to be more widespread, although it is still a sign of status. Gold leaf and glue are applied to wooden blocks, and then literally printed onto the silk. Here is a chima with two wide geum-bak-pan borders. Jeogori, as you can see from these images can vary from simple white cotton to elaborate confections of contrasting fields of silk on the collar, cuffs, goreum and underarms with embroidery or gold leaf printing. The cut is always the same, however. For some ceremonial occasions the jeogori is replaced with a garment called Dang-ui. This was originally worn only by aristocracy. It resembles the jeogori except that the front and back fields are elongated in an axe shape. The front and back of these fields are not sewn together but hang separately. This last image shows a group of women doing a dance wearing the dangui and the jogdoori, small crowns. This were also part of the minor ceremonial costume for the Royal court, but became more widespread later. They are still not worn with everyday outfits. They tie with two silk ribbons at the nape of the neck under the chignon. You may see the video of this dance here. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VHchZYOJ73E A small vest called baeja may be worn over the jeogori for warmth. It is often lined with fur and may be paired with a fur lined hat. Both men and women may wear a short outer jacket for warmth. This is called Magoja. It is cut just like the men's or women's jeogori, but opens in the center with no overlap and is secured by one or more buttons. Man's magoja. Woman's magoja. The colorful striped sleeves are normally worn by children, but may be worn by adults if their parents are alive as an act of filial piety. A long overcoat, Durumagi, may be worn over standard clothing by both men and women. There were at one time two other outer garments which are no longer used. The Nuhwool is a round hat with a veil attached. High ranking women in the Yi dynasty would never leave the house unless they were veiled. The highest ranked would wear a nuhwool which reached the ground, less highly ranked women would wear one that merely hung to their shoulders. The other was called Jang-ot. It was cut much like the Durumagi, only fuller, but was worn over the head, the goreum being held under the chin instead of being tied. Unmarried girls generally wore their hair in a braid, which was secured by a hair ribbon, daenggi. Married women wore their hair in a bun at the nape of the neck. I obtained these excellent drawings from this website: http://glimja.deviantart.com/art/Daenggi-1-420482188 This was often secured by a large hair bar called binyeo, which came in various sizes and might be highly ornamented. Other ornamental hair pins, Ttul-jam, may be inserted into the bun. These often had extended ornaments mounted on springs, which fluttered when the wearer moved. Accessories such as small knives, jangdo, were hung from the goreum by both men and women, men often hanging them on the waist ties of their pants. Another such accessory was the Joomuhni, small bags that were worn by both men and women. They tied with a drawstring and varied from simple and utilitarian to very ornate. Necklaces and bracelets, although known from early periods of Korean history have not been worn in recent centuries. Instead, a couple of distinctively Korean accessories are worn with the traditional dress. Both are based on the old Korean art of Maedeup, ornamental knotting. Large examples of such knots are hung on the walls of homes and temples. Smaller examples which feature a knot with a loop on top and tassels on the ends are still hung from the goreum of women's hanbok or chosonbok. If these ornaments include another object between the knot and the tassels, then they are called Norigae. The variety of objects included in norigae is immense. jade carvings, sachets, perfume vials, needle boxes, and amulets for good fortune, many sons, prosperity, protection from evil, etc. Materials used range from embroidered cushions to jade, silver and amber. There is a symbolic meaning to the shapes, characters and images used. The norigae above has three white jade pieces in the shape of bats; bats are a universal symbol of happiness and good fortune in East Asia. The following norigae include tiger claws which are believed to provide protection against evil spirits, the five poisonous animals, and pestilence. They also include what are known as octopus tassels. The following norigae is extremely opulent and would be worn with ceremonial clothing. It features a coral branch, an amber nugget and two jade and silver cloisonne butterflies. Here is an example of large opulent norigae worn with the dangui. This one is hung on the outer goreum. This design of three jade pearls was once reserved for the empress. Hand embroidered norigae were often worn by common people, and usually made by the wearer. Butterflies symbolize beauty, and bells chase away evil spirits and call forth fortunate events. Here is another example of the grouping of coral, jade and cloisonne butterfly and carved amber nugget. These are modern mass produced norigae with a design of two cranes. Cranes symbolize marital fidelity and long life. This norigae features a gourd, locust leg, and bunch of grapes in silver, the gourd symbolizes abundance, the grapes fertility, but the significance of the locust legs has been forgotten. This norigae features an embroidered pattern of bamboo, one of the four gracious plants. Another pair of embroidered silk cushion norigae. Another example of contemporary massed produced norigae. This is a museum piece which includes a perfume case of enameled silver. The contents would be a mix of aromatic materials. Here we see two women with norigae attached to their inner goreum. As with men, there are many specialized costumes for court dances, shamans. etc, that I am not going to go into. Thank you for reading, I hope that you have found this to be interesting and informative. Roman K. I will close with some more images Here is the website of a woman who designs norigae. http://www.paradispersans.fr/en/pages/maedup-or-korean-node.html This is a blog posting written by a woman who describes the process she used in making her own traditional Korean dress. http://sosteadyasshesews.blogspot.com/2013/12/hanbok-traditional-korean-womens- dress.html email: [email protected] Source material: Lee Kyung Ja, 'Norigae - Splendor of the Korean Costume', Seoul, 2005 Dr Yushin Yoo, 'Korea the Beautiful - Treasures of the Hermit Kingdom', Seoul, 1987 Cultural Relics Publishing, 'Korean Folk Costume', Pyongyang, 1985 Sunny Yang, 'Hanbok - The Art of Korean Clothing', Seoul, 1997 Youngjae Kim, 'Korean Costume Through the Ages, Seoul, 2003 Yi Songmi, 'Korean Costumes and Textiles', Seoul, 1992 Zang Yingchun, 'Chinese Minority Costumes', Beijing, 2004 Korean Overseas Information Service, 'Korea Desk Diary', Seoul, 1982

Explore saltfight's 309 photos on Flickr!

A few months back I posted a series of photos about China in the 1800s and 1900s. I am a huge photography and history fan and so I decided to do the same thing with photos from Korea! Korea has a very interesting history and undergone a huge transformation:

Photos of Korea from the imperial era and Japanese occupation, c. 1895-1920. Pictures of Korean families, street scenes, and everyday life.

Computers match or surpass top humans in a wide variety of games: Othello, Scrabble, backgammon, poker, even Jeopardy. But not Go. It's the one classic game where wetware still dominates hardware.

I recently finished reading Daniel Tudor's Korea: the Impossible Country. (My review of the book is available at Reading Korea.) My reaction was mostly positive: it was an excellent overview of contemporary Korea, providing a clear-eyed look at achievements and flaws of today's Korean society. As I wrote in my review, the book is highly recommended. This, however, does not mean that I agree with the book entirely. I felt that in his book, Tudor relied a bit too often on Confucianism as a crutch, to provide explanations about Korean society that are too just-so. Tudor correctly identifies the full slate of the issues that contemporary Korea has, including high suicide rate, low satisfaction with life, low birthrate, excessive emphasis on education, grueling jobs with very long hours, etc. Tudor also correctly identifies that ultimately, competition--which drove Korea achieving prosperity and freedom at a rate unprecedented in human history--is what causes these social ills in Korea. Gangnam is not just for Gangnam Style--it is also the Mecca of plastic surgery in Korea. It is not a coincidence that glassy skyscrapers, symbols of Korea's prosperity, house so many plastic surgery clinics. (source) Where Tudor and I part company is the reason for such competition. Often, Tudor points to Confucianism as the motivating factor for the excessive competition in today's Korean society. For example, Tudor begins the chapter about competition in Korea with following: "Because Confucianism places a special value on success through education and stable family, Koreans focus on the minimal standard of living at which they will be comparable to others."* Although Tudor then goes into the exposition of how Korea's desperate poverty shaped Korea's national culture (a point with which I am inclined to agree,) starting the chapter with a reference to Confucianism colors the subsequent discussion the chapter. (*Because I am working off of a translated version of the book, this quote may not be exactly the same as Tudor wrote it. You can blame Mr. Tudor, who sent me a translated version rather than the English original.) If Tudor's point is that Confucianism contributes to the problems that today's Korean society has, I wonder how Tudor may respond to the following historical tidbit. Pre-modern Korea--through Goryeo and Joseon Dynasties--enjoyed extremely long periods of peace and stability. For nearly a thousand years prior to early 20th century, Korea experienced only one major war that meaningfully threatened its survival. At all other times, Korea had a strong, unitary central government that was able to implement its vision for improving Korean society. Needless to say, such vision was informed by Confucianism. And by Joseon Dynasty, such effort was wildly successful. One can argue that Korea has reached the pinnacle of an agricultural society by that point. Organized by village units with centuries of farming experience, Koreans have perfected the delicate balance of producing the most amount of harvest without overtaxing the soil. Koreans also diversified their crop, allowing the soil to heal and providing more variety to their table. (Recall that traditional Korean cuisine features more than 1,000 types of edible plants.) The village unit also made effective use of the labor, setting precise schedules of who works when, for what task.** (**From 김건태, "19세기 집약적 농법의 확산과 작물의 다각화", 역사비평 2012년 겨울호 [Kim Geon-tae, Intensive Agronomy, Diversification of Crops in the 19th Century]) The result was a society that produced everything it needed without too much effort. Thanks to efficient farming, Koreans always had plenty to eat. Indeed, the amount of food that Koreans traditionally consumed nearly defies belief. A diary from the 17th century describes that Koreans ate 7 hob [홉] of rice per meal, or approximately 420 grams. This is around triple of the amount of rice Koreans eat per meal today. Yet Koreans never had to work very hard to eat. Studies show that Koreans did not work all that much except in periods such as planting and harvesting rice, because labor was distributed efficiently. Contrary to the stereotype of hard-working Asians, foreign travelers' account of Korea invariably describe Koreans as "lazy." In truth, Koreans were not lazy. They simply produced everything they needed without spending all that much time. (More after the jump.) Got a question or a comment for the Korean? Email away at [email protected]. It is important not to idealize the past, as traditional Korea was hardly the perfect society. It was a monarchy with a class system. It was also a male-dominated society. Further, Korea did not always enjoy abundance of life's necessities--after all, Korea definitely experienced bad harvests and lean times during Joseon Dynasty's six-century-long history. But it is hard to deny that traditional Korea has certain charms that modern Korea lacks. There was no constant competition or striving that stressed people out--simply people efficiently doing what they had to do to produce more than what they needed, and enjoying their lives in the free time. And these traditional Koreans kept much more closely to Confucianism than today's Koreans do. If Confucianism contributes to the excessive competition that today's Koreans experience, why didn't it cause Koreans of the Joseon Dynasty to compete more, work long hours, etc.? And if Confucianism did not cause that, what did? Korea's problems do not arise Confucianism; they arise from modernity. Modernity--whose essential ingredients are industrialization and market economy--demands incessant competition. In the traditional economy, the one and only goal is sustenance. Traditional Koreans did not have large, interconnected markets to which they would sell any excess food, nor would there be anyone to buy such excess. Once they produced enough to eat, there is little incentive to produce any further. A Korean table at a jumak [restaurant and pub], circa 1890. Note the size of the bowls for rice and soup. (source) There is something very attractive about this model. After all, with all the technology we have, why do we work so much? By all indications, there is absolutely no reason for anyone in the advanced economy to work more than 15 hours a week to produce everything we need in life. The experience of traditional Korea shows that even a pre-industrial society can achieve this goal, as long as the society defines down the level of "need." So why do we bother with modernity's stress-inducing demands? Korea's history provides the answer: if your country does not move toward modernity, modernity will come to your country in the most horrific form possible. To the people who reject modernity, modernity will be imposed. In the late 19th century, modernity first knocked Korea's doors in the form of French and American warships demanding Korea to open its ports. Modernity then busted down the doors with Imperial Japan, which soon enslaved the entire country in the following decades. The essence of modernity is to turn humans into resources. Market economy and industrialization, operating together, dehumanize, commodify and objectify humans. And no one bears the brunt of such dehumanization quite like the conquered subjects of an empire, who are deemed less of a human in the eyes of the conqueror. Thus, Imperial Japan freely utilized Korea's "human resource"--hideous words, if you think about it--in the most inhumane manner. The empire conscripted millions of Koreans to die in forced labor, hundreds of thousands of Korean women (who were doubly commodified as conquered subjects and receptacles for men's sex) to serve as sex slaves to its soldiers, and thousands to serve as laboratory rats in live human experimentation. This searing experience left Koreans with an unforgettable lesson: modernize, or literally, die. It is no surprise, therefore, that Koreans singularly focused on modernizing at quickly as possible. This focus was particularly evident in the personal philosophy of Park Chung-hee, under whose dictatorship Korea took the first steps toward joining the first world. (Indeed, "homeland's modernization" [조국의 근대화] is one of Park's favorite phrases in his numerous speeches.) But because Korea was so far behind in the race toward modernity, it was not enough for Korea to simply participate in the race. To catch the countries that were ahead in the race of modernity, Korea had to find a way to break the game. (source) In the bestseller Moneyball, Michael Lewis describes how Oakland A's, a team that is perennially strapped for cash and resources, manage to compete and beat the far-better-endowed teams by distilling the game of baseball into its very essence--that is, not getting your batters out. To that end, Oakland A's stripped its team of baseball's traditional and aesthetics preference, and focused only on not getting its batters out. Other MLB teams would idolize the batters who were physical specimen capable of hitting the baseball. Oakland A's would focus on batters who may not look athletic and appear to be pedestrian in traditional metrics, but were capable of drawing walks--not as aesthetically pleasing as a base hit, but same result at the end. One can argue that Korea also made up for its disadvantage by distilling modernity into its very essence: commodification. In its furious race toward modernity, Korea arguably managed to commodify its people better than any other country in the world. It helped that Koreans had already experienced modernity's terrible commodification at the hands of Imperial Japan, and were broken by Korean War into poverty and desperation. To be sure, Korea's commodification did not necessarily mean endless hours of sweatshop labor, although sweatshops were a crucial component in the early stages of Korea's economic development. Korea invested massively in public education and raised a huge corps of highly able people. Through the combination of nationalistic exhortation and authoritarian rule, Korea squeezed maximum amount of quality labor out of them. The result is as we see today: Korea at the forefront of modernity, the fastest country to have done so in human history. But such ruthless commodification of humans left numerous scars in Korean society, because unlike that of baseball, the essence of modernity is toxic. It is only a slight exaggeration to say that every social problem in Korea is ultimately reducible to commodification. Korean people kill themselves at a record rate because, in a society that replaced the traditional family-based relationship with modern employer-employee relationship, the unemployable no longer has any further reason to exist. Koreans double down on education precisely to avoid this fate and make themselves employable. Korean women undergo plastic surgery at a record rate because they are commodified based on their looks in both the job market and the marriage market. Koreans are both too busy to invest in themselves, and too concerned that their children will have to run in the same, tiresome hamster wheel; so they forgo having children, or have no more than one. Above all, in this inhuman modern society, Koreans are stressed out and unhappy. Focusing on the true cause of Korea's social ills illuminates the true lessons to be learned from Korea's experience. The first lesson is that focusing on Korea's unique history and cultural tradition does not help finding the solution for Korea's issues. If Korea's tradition is the cause for Korea's social ills, one would observe the same ills afflicting Korea throughout its history. This is simply not the case. In fact, much of Korea's tradition would counsel against the afflictions of modernity. Confucian education, for example, is about building a certain moral character, rather than learning specific skills to become an employable cog in the modern economy. The educational fervor in Korea has gone past the level of diligence, and is now in the territory of constant exhaustion. Having Korea's education focus again on character-building, rather than picking up an ever-increasing number of skills, would moderate this desperation that ruining Korea's children today. The second lesson is the extension of the first. Korea's problem is not Korean culture; Korea's problem is modernity itself. Thus, Korea's problem is not limited to Korea, but is universal, and afflicts every contemporary industrialized, capitalistic society. Broad survey of modernized countries reveals that echoes of Korea's problems exist all over the world, albeit in different degrees. Korea is frequently cited for having high suicide rates, but sociological studies make it abundantly clear that every single industrialized country in the history of the world experienced a huge spike in suicide rate in the process of industrializing, and later the country industrialized, the higher the spike. Korea's high rate of plastic surgery receives international focus, but Brazil, another up-and-coming industrialized nation, is also making headlines for huge numbers of plastic surgery. Although Korea's fervor for education is often considered as excessive, in the United States, the doubling down on education set off a nuclear arms race of diploma inflation of the kind seen in Korea. (Aside: The trend of globalization, which is just another name for worldwide modernization, takes this worldwide commodification of humans to a new low. FoxConn laborers in China kill themselves in droves, while hundreds of workers in Pakistian die in a fire that supposedly passed the fire inspection, all in the process of manufacturing goods for wealthy, first world consumers. But even the first world consumers are no longer safe: as the international competition improves, the ruthless efficiency-seeking machine siphons the wealth that previously sustained the first world's middle class to the new capitalists of the rest of the world. In the modernized world, mediocrity has nowhere to hide.) That Korea's problems are universal to modern nations leads to a disconcerting realization: solving these problems would require a complete redirection of human civilization from the path that it has taken for the last 250 years. It is not clear if this is even possible; it is equally unclear if this is desirable. For all of its problems, modernity also has enormous benefits in the form of unprecedented wealth (albeit distributed unevenly), advanced medical science and greater knowledge about the world around us. Even in the limited context of Korea, this inquiry retains the same character: for all of their complaints about today's Korea, would Koreans really want to go back to the way things were, three centuries ago? Are Korea's problems--stress, low birthrate, suicide--just something that Korea must learn to deal with, in exchange for the dividends of modernity? Can any one society refuse the tide of modernity today without getting swallowed up by other societies, which would continue to march toward superior economy and military? These are important questions. They are also exceedingly difficult, and their scope is far greater than a single national culture or tradition. As such, in discussing Korea's problems, it is a mistake to focus solely on Korea's tradition or Korea's culture. Korea's problem is modernity, and Korea's problem is the world's problem. Fixing it requires not some tinkering of Korean culture, but a redirection of the human civilization. Got a question or a comment for the Korean? Email away at [email protected].

Korean vintage art photography, beauties art prints, posters, paintings and old antique photographs reproductions. Young Korean Girl Standing, FINE ART PRINT, high quality digitally restored reproduction of the vintage korean photograph. All fine art prints produced on large wide-format printer, using archival pigment inks, providing the vibrant colors and ultimate image quality. Materials: acid free heavyweight fine art paper, archival pigment inks. Please select the print size before adding item to cart. !!!!!! Shipping of any additional prints and originals in the same order at NO EXTRA CHARGE !!!!!! Korean Girl Standing art print is sold unframed. More japanese geishas and other asian beauties paintings, art prints and posters in Geishas and Beauties Art section https://www.etsy.com/shop/ArtPink?section_id=16052442&ref=shopsection_leftnav_3

PS makes wellness more accessible through real-life stories, first-person perspectives, and expert-backed information. Our staff of journalists and subject-matter experts research, report, and produce articles, videos, and social content that help people feel good about their well-being choices, no matter what they are. Via our core verticals — Health, Fitness, Beauty, Balance, Identity, and Shopping — we help our audience proceed with confidence.

Seoul, Korea in fall of 1945.

.css-1sgivba{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-align-items:center;-webkit-box-align:center;-ms-flex-align:center;align-items:center;-webkit-flex-direction:row;-ms-flex-direction:row;flex-direction:row;gap:0.5rem;margin-bottom:var(--chakra-space-2);} .css-cosgki{font-size:16px;font-weight:var(--chakra-fontWeights-bold);} Product Type: Art Print Print Size: 18" x 12" Finished Size: 18" x 12" .css-1336n79{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-align-items:center;-webkit-box-align:center;-ms-flex-align:center;align-items:center;-webkit-flex-direction:row;-ms-flex-direction:row;flex-direction:row;gap:0.5rem;margin-top:var(--chakra-space-8);margin-bottom:var(--chakra-space-8);} Product ID: 57166385275A

The Global Magazine of News and Ideas

photo by Kenneth H. Lehr, 1952

Ca.1899-1900 image by an unknown photographer.

Street scene in Seoul, September 1953 The Korean War is sometimes referred to as "The Forgotten War" in the U.S. It wasn't highly publicized like World War II and Vietnam, and it was relatively short, lasting from 1950-1953. However, it was one of the more impactful conflicts that still affects international relations today. The rate of civilian casualties in the war was higher than during World War II and Vietnam as well, and another generation of American GIs experienced war in a place they likely never would have ventured to otherwise. (Read a summarized timeline of the war here.) The conflict also affected the people back home. When troops went to war, many of them were traveling overseas for the first time in their lives. They stopped in various countries along the way to the front, oftentimes buying souvenirs and garments for loved ones back home. These little pieces from their travels made their way into the wardrobes of mothers, wives, girlfriends, and sisters all across America. source In addition, Americans back home learned about a country and culture they may not have ever encountered before. Although the first wave of Korean immigration to the U.S. began in 1903, most of the original 7,500 immigrants were contract workers on sugar plantations in Hawaii. Legislation in the 1920s effectively stopped immigration from Asia except for a relatively small number of students allowed in for college studies. Sgt. Johnie Morgan arrives in Seattle with his wife, 'Blue,' 1951. Source. The Korean War sparked the second wave of Korean immigration to the U.S. as nearly 100,000 women and 300,000 children entered the U.S. as war brides and adoptees. Their acceptance into the wider American society (and Korean communities in the U.S.) was often mixed depending on marital status, race of their spouse, and racial mix (in the case of adoptees). However, they were now a part of American history, and the aesthetics and styles of Korean and other Asian cultures began making their way evermore into the American consciousness. source Life in Busan (South Korea), around 1951 Life in Busan (South Korea), around 1951 When they landed in Korea, American GIs would have seen scenes similar to the pictures above and below showing the rural life of people in Busan around 1951. Traditional hanbok was still the main style of clothing for most Korean women at the time, though women in cities had begun to "modernize" and Westernize their fashions under pressure during the Japanese occupation of Korea in the previous decades. Still other women Westernized their look in response to the flood of American men landing on their shores--acts of survival, opportunism, and/or love. Life in Busan (South Korea), around 1951 source When American troops made their way to the Korean front, they traveled through (and sometimes took their leave/vacation time in) countries like Japan where there were other American bases and military presences. (This began with American troop movements around Asia during WWII and continued during the early 1950s.) These cultures' aesthetics also made their way to the U.S. in trinkets and souvenirs sent home, and later generic "Asian" or "Oriental" vibes were incorporated into Western clothing as ignorance about the distinct differences between Asian cultures was rampant. source Korean Grandmother, 1952 source The mixing and refashioning of various Asian aesthetics had been happening over the last few decades in Western fashion, but the occurrence of the Korean War kept Asia in the minds of Americans. Souvenirs, pictures, and letters sent home gave them glimpses of far-off places. Conical hats, asymmetrical closures, Mandarin collars, dragon-laden silks, and frog closures were seen frequently in fashion throughout the 1950s and 1960s. As the Vietnam War geared up, fashions would begin to include more long-length Vietnamese ao dai aesthetics. Vogue, October 1958 Vintage advertisement, 1956 1956-7 Alden's Catalog Page A late 1950s, early 1960s maternity set showing Asian influence from my own collection: View this post on Instagram A post shared by Emileigh (@flashbacksummer) on Jul 15, 2019 at 6:49am PDT Further reading: Evolution of South Korean Fashion and Makeup Culture The Forsaken: Portraits of Mixed-Race Orphans in Post-War Korea America's 'First Korean War Bride' Comes Home

Oh, joy! Spring allergies are here again. To celebrate, I spent yesterday incapacitated on the couch watching K-dramas, including re-watching episodes of one of my newer favorites Mr. Queen. All of this reminds me that I must continue my series on women in late Joseon Korea, as excerpted from Louise Jordan Miln’s book Quaint Korea, … Continue reading "Women in Late Joseon Korea – The Kisaeng"

The Global Magazine of News and Ideas